'I am a prisoner of conscience': Ali Karimli, the opposition figure defying Azerbaijan’s regime

'I am a prisoner of conscience': Ali Karimli, the opposition figure defying Azerbaijan’s regime Azerbaijan’s opposition leader Ali Karimli, a former secretary of state, goes on trial in Baku on Wednesday for an alleged "attempted coup". Karimli spoke to FRANCE 24 from prison, where he slammed the charges against him as "entirely fabricated and politically motivated" and warned that he risked assassination. Azerbaijan’s Ali Karimli, a leading figure in the country’s democratic opposition, will go on trial in Baku on Wednesday, June 10, facing charges of “attempted coup” under Article 278-1 of the Azerbaijani Criminal Code. His lawyers say he could face 12 to 20 years in prison if convicted. Karimli, a former secretary of state who has been imprisoned since December 1, 2025, has dismissed the charges as “entirely fabricated and politically motivated". For three decades, Karimli has been a thorn in the side of the authoritarian Aliyev regime, which has ruled the former Soviet republic since Heydar Aliyev – an ex-KGB general – handed power to his son, Ilham, in 2003. Azerbaijan, a strategically important country rich in hydrocarbons, remains tightly controlled under his leadership. Currently held in a high-security detention centre run by the State Security Service (SSS) – a facility where political prisoners are often held, according to Amnesty International – Karimli answered questions from FRANCE 24 on the eve of his trial, via his legal team. FRANCE 24: Have your lawyers been granted access to the prosecution’s case file to prepare your defence? Ali Karimli: There is no real investigation against me. Whatever they are fabricating – and however they are doing it – neither I nor my lawyers have any knowledge of it. I have dedicated my life to the cause of democracy and freedom of expression in my country. I have opposed the establishment of an authoritarian regime in Azerbaijan and worked to organise and mobilise society through peaceful means. I have been falsely accused and imprisoned solely because of my political beliefs and my commitment to defending them. I have committed no crime – nor even a minor administrative offence. That is why I consider myself a prisoner of conscience. Are you afraid for your family or your life? Given the suspicious and unexplained deaths of political prisoners in custody in recent years – [including the case of 22-year-old activist Elbey Karimli, whose death in detention on December 12, 2025, was officially ruled a “suicide,” Ed.] – and the clear hostility directed at me, I cannot rule out a threat to my life. I have already been subjected to severe torture on President Aliyev’s orders and imprisoned on fabricated charges carrying heavy sentences. It would be irresponsible to ignore the possibility of further danger. Let me be clear: I do not fear ordinary officials or fellow inmates. Any such threat could only come if instructions were issued at the highest political level – by Aliyev himself. The system in Azerbaijan is so rigidly hierarchical that no official or state institution would dare refuse such an order. I also want to emphasize that I suffer from no life-threatening illness, nor is suicide something that could ever be associated with me. I intend to dedicate my life to serving my people. I am more determined than ever. Imprisonment is not the end of the road for me – it is merely a new phase in the struggle. I will continue to use every available opportunity to defend my beliefs and advance the cause to which I have devoted my life. Therefore, if I do not leave prison alive, it must be understood by all as a political assassination. Do you understand why European media sometimes compare you to Alexei Navalny? I have never compared myself to Alexei Navalny [the leading Russian opposition figure who died in custody in February 2024, Ed.]. I can only speculate as to why others draw that parallel. For over a decade, I have led some of Azerbaijan’s largest opposition protests – whether authorised or not. Despite relentless pressure and persecution, I have never abandoned my principles or stayed silent. I have worked to build and sustain the unity of the Popular Front Party and the National Council, the country’s largest organised democratic opposition coalition. And I have consistently challenged this authoritarian regime, both at home and on the international stage. I assume it is because of this role – and because observers recognise that my safety may be at risk – that some journalists see similarities with Navalny. Is the European Union providing you with enough support? Shortly after my arrest, the European Parliament called for my release – and that of the 400 other political prisoners in Azerbaijan. I am grateful for their support, as well as for the principled stance taken by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE), particularly after the exposure of the so-called "caviar diplomacy", which led to strong condemnations of human rights violations and the crackdown on freedoms in Azerbaijan.* Unfortunately, the responses from European governments and the European Commission have been marked by extreme caution and restraint. On one hand, Europe is grappling with Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the resulting threats to its security, forcing it to prioritise rearmament. It also faces recurring crises in energy, fuel, and economic stability, while the global order has been upended. Realpolitik and authoritarian regimes have become the norm, inevitably shaping the decisions of European leaders. While I understand the scale of these challenges, I do not believe they justify abandoning democratic principles. Europe has always been at its strongest when it remains true to the rule of law, human rights, and democratic values. These principles may not always seem pragmatic in the short term, but in the long run, they are the foundation of Europe’s success and credibility. I believe Europe could – and should – do far more to support democratic values in Azerbaijan. Is Europe’s energy dependence a barrier to its support for democracy in Azerbaijan? The notion that Europe is heavily dependent on Azerbaijani gas is somewhat exaggerated. I acknowledge that Europe needs Azerbaijan’s energy resources, including its gas. However, this dependence is mutual. Azerbaijan also relies on the European market to sell its gas. Our gas is transported via pipelines – not tankers – and we currently have few alternative markets. While this trade is mutually beneficial, it does not require Europe to turn a blind eye to repression in Azerbaijan. What is Russia’s influence on Azerbaijan today? Just 18 months ago, the relationship between Putin and Aliyev was held up as a model of alliance. While it has since deteriorated, Azerbaijan remains embedded in Russia-led political and institutional structures. Azerbaijan is still an ally of Russia. It remains a member of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) [founded in December 1991 and comprising 11 former Soviet republics], with no intention of leaving. Russian-language schools, a key tool of Russian soft power, continue to operate in Azerbaijan. The current governments of Russia and Azerbaijan both oppose Western values and democracy. I would not be surprised if Putin and Aliyev were to issue fresh joint statements on the South Caucasus [Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan, Ed.]. How would you describe Azerbaijan’s relations with France? Relations between France and Azerbaijan have been marked by a recurring cycle: periods of extreme tension, even verging on rupture, followed by reconciliation and resolution. This pattern has defined the relationship for years. Many of these tensions arose during the Second Karabakh War, when France was seen as siding with Armenia. Fortunately, that conflict has now ended, and a peace agreement is being finalised. France must adapt its policy towards the South Caucasus to reflect this new reality. France should no longer shape its Azerbaijan policy primarily through the prism of Armenia. As a leading European nation, it must adopt a more balanced and independent stance. This approach should consist of two key elements: supporting Azerbaijan’s sovereignty against Russian threats, just as it has done for Armenia; strongly advocating for European values, democratic processes, and European integration.