The House passed its $1.15 trillion annual defense policy bill Wednesday after a bipartisan revolt over a provision expanding U.S.-Israel defense technology cooperation.
The fiscal year 2027 National Defense Authorization Act passed 216-212, with Republicans largely supporting and Democrats mostly opposing the measure.
The annual bill, which sets Pentagon policy and typically draws broad bipartisan support, received only six Democratic votes as much of the caucus objected to Section 219 and Republican-backed amendments restricting transgender care and easing access to personal firearms on military bases.
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Opposition came from a coalition of progressive Democrats and Republican skeptics of U.S. support for Israel, who accused congressional leaders of shielding the provision from scrutiny after lawmakers were denied a separate vote to remove it.
The fight erupted as support for Israel has weakened among House Democrats and some "America First" Republicans amid the war in Gaza and the widening conflict with Iran. Just one week earlier, 103 Democrats joined Rep. Thomas Massie, R-Ky., in voting to block $3.3 billion in U.S. aid to Israel.
For opponents, Section 219 would move the relationship in the opposite direction by embedding U.S.-Israel cooperation more deeply inside the Pentagon’s weapons-development and acquisition system. The provision would direct the defense secretary to designate a Pentagon "executive agent" to coordinate and accelerate bilateral defense research, testing and industrial cooperation.
Critics argued that structure would make the relationship harder for future administrations or Congresses to unwind and could shift parts of the partnership away from highly visible aid votes into less visible technology, procurement and production arrangements. Supporters said it would coordinate longstanding programs and give the United States faster access to Israeli defense technology.
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Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y., urged lawmakers to reject the entire defense bill, arguing that the provision would "merge parts of our military with the IDF," referring to the Israel Defense Forces.
"This amendment is an existential threat to American sovereignty and democracy," Ocasio-Cortez wrote on X prior to the vote, referring to Section 219. "Every member of Congress must vote NO."
Rep. Mike Lawler, R-N.Y., shot back on X: "Good grief, you are either obtuse or intentionally lying. We are not merging our military with the IDF. As we do with many of our allies, we enter into cooperative agreements, share intelligence, develop technology and ammunitions, and conduct military exercises together. Stop stoking Jew hatred and do better."
Rep. Thomas Massie, R-Ky., similarly opposed both the rule governing debate and the final bill after Republican leaders denied a floor vote on his bipartisan amendment to strike the provision.
"We should not merge our military tech and supply chain with Israel’s," Massie said on X.
Beyond creating the executive agent, Section 219 would direct the Pentagon to identify jointly developed or Israeli-origin technologies that could be used in U.S. weapons programs and promote joint ventures, licensing agreements and U.S.-based production partnerships with Israeli companies.
Before final passage, the House adopted two amendments from Rep. Anna Paulina Luna, R-Fla. One removed four uses of the word "integration," while the other extended annual reports to Congress for as long as the executive agent remains in place. The original reporting requirement would have ended in 2030.
The amendments left the initiative’s central structure and cooperative programs intact, falling short of opponents’ demand that Section 219 be removed entirely.
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Massie’s amendment was backed by Democratic Reps. Ro Khanna of California, Jim McGovern of Massachusetts, Jesús "Chuy" García of Illinois and Rashida Tlaib of Michigan.
Section 219 would not combine the countries’ command structures, place U.S. troops under Israeli authority or give Israel control over U.S. military operations. The United States and Israel also already cooperate extensively on defense technology, including the Iron Dome, Arrow and David’s Sling missile-defense systems, counter-drone technology and anti-tunnel capabilities.
The provision’s principal change would be to place a designated Pentagon executive agent in charge of coordinating and expanding those efforts across the Defense Department.
House Armed Services Committee Chairman Mike Rogers, R-Ala., said the provision would improve oversight and efficiency by assigning responsibility for existing initiatives to a single official.
"In no way does it give away command and control of our military operations, personnel or equipment," Rogers said last month.
Critics argued that the executive-agent structure would give U.S.-Israel projects a privileged path through the Pentagon and further entrench Israeli technology and companies in the American defense supply chain.
The fight threatened the broad coalition traditionally needed to pass the NDAA, one of the few major bills Congress has routinely approved with bipartisan support. Democratic opposition was also fueled by Republican amendments restricting gender-affirming medical care for troops and military dependents and transgender participation in sports at Defense Department schools.
The House voted 219-208 Tuesday to prohibit Tricare from covering certain gender-transition procedures and treatments, with five Democrats supporting the amendment and one Republican opposing it.
Lawmakers separately voted 221-203 to prohibit transgender girls from participating in girls’ sports at Defense Department schools.
The House rejected a separate attempt by Rep. Lauren Boebert, R-Colo., to codify President Donald Trump’s executive order barring transgender troops from serving in the military. That amendment failed 212-217 after four Republicans joined every Democrat in opposition.
Lawmakers also narrowly approved an amendment making it easier for qualified service members and civilian Defense Department employees to receive permission to carry personal firearms on military installations. The measure passed 215-214.
An amendment that would have largely prohibited Ukraine security assistance failed, though 76 Republicans supported it. The proposal would have preserved funding only for security at the U.S. Embassy in Kyiv.
The underlying NDAA would authorize roughly $1.15 trillion for national defense, including pay raises ranging from 5% to 7% for service members, expanded weapons and munitions production and new investments in missile defense, autonomous systems, hypersonics and other emerging technologies.
The bill would also formally change the Department of Defense’s name to the Department of War, deeming references to the defense secretary and department in federal law to mean the secretary and Department of War.
The NDAA sets defense policy and authorizes spending levels but does not provide the money itself. Congress must separately pass defense appropriations legislation to fund the programs and priorities included in the measure.
Consideration of the legislation had been delayed for three weeks by a separate Republican fight over the SAVE America Act, Trump-backed election legislation requiring documentary proof of citizenship to register to vote and identification to cast a ballot in federal elections.
The House approved the election measure in February, but it stalled in the Senate, where Republicans lacked the 60 votes needed to overcome a filibuster.
Republican leaders revived the legislation through a procedure directing the House clerk to combine it with the NDAA after passage but before sending the package to the Senate. That approach allowed the House to vote on the defense and election measures separately before transmitting them as one bill.
The plan initially collapsed June 30 when 13 Republicans joined Democrats in voting against the procedural rule. Rep. Anna Paulina Luna, R-Fla., and other holdouts later relented after Speaker Mike Johnson promised to attach the election legislation to appropriations bills and other must-pass measures.
The combined defense and election package faces an uncertain future in the Senate, where Democrats blocked consideration of their chamber’s NDAA last week in protest of the Trump administration’s war with Iran.
The debate also comes as the Pentagon seeks additional money to cover the conflict and replenish U.S. weapons stockpiles. The White House has requested an $87.6 billion supplemental package, including $67.1 billion for defense needs, while House Republicans are considering additional military and intelligence funding through a party-line reconciliation package.