CDU's Volkmann: Ukraine aid is not charity

CDU's Volkmann: Ukraine aid is not charity August 27, 2026At 29, Johannes Volkmann is one of the youngest members of Germany's parliament — and one of the most dedicated supporters of Ukraine. When he was head of the council of the Lahn-Dill district in the state of Hessen, he launched a municipal partnership with the Ukrainian city of Brovary near the capital Kyiv to deliver supplies to those in need. As a member of the Bundestag's Committee on Foreign Affairs and the United4Ukraine group, an international network of lawmakers, he continues to advocate for Ukraine. During his latest trip to the country, he spoke with DW about why he thinks aid to Ukraine is so important. DW: Mr. Volkmann, you were last in Ukraine exactly a year ago. What has changed since then? Johannes Volkmann: The number of airstrikes — and thus the threat to the civilian population — has increased significantly again. And at the same time, there is a sense that the Ukrainian people still want to stand their ground. I have utmost respect for that. Ukraine is demonstrating that freedom and democracy can defend themselves and fight back. That is a very important message of hope. German support is particularly important for Ukraine's defense capabilities — Germany is the largest bilateral donor to Ukraine in Europe. At the same time, political forces in Germany oppose this support. The voters of these parties share this view and consider aid to Ukraine a waste of money. What would you say to them? Everyone needs to understand that Ukraine today is not only defending itself, but also protecting Europe. Russian imperialism is not only a threat to Ukraine's borders, but also to those of our allies in the Baltic states and in Poland. That is why every euro we invest in Ukraine today is a good investment in our own security. On top of that, Ukraine is able to help us more and more in Europe by sharing its experience on the battlefield with European armies — with regard to modern technologies, drones, the training of soldiers and modern tactics. When it comes to experience, Ukraine has a tremendous lead in these areas. That is why Ukraine is now effectively a provider of security in Europe and no longer merely in need of security. The Alternative for Germany (AfD), which currently leads the polls, has called for an end to German support for Ukraine. Many in Ukraine are wondering: What will happen if the AfD performs even better in the next German election and becomes part of the government? I can understand this fear. The Bundestag was elected to serve until 2029. For me personally, as well as for my parliamentary group, the CDU/CSU, it is clear that Ukraine must be supported militarily because it is in our own interest in terms of security. For me, the AfD's position on Ukraine is an important reason why my party has ruled out any cooperation with them. There is also a humanitarian responsibility: If millions of Ukrainians flee their homeland because Russia's war of aggression succeeds — and, of course, they won't want to live under Russian colonial rule — then that will destabilize our countries. That would place a much greater financial burden on us than supporting Ukrainians today in their defense of their homeland. Do you view Russia as a military threat to Europe and Germany? Some are asking: If Russia has struggled so much in Ukraine militarily, what threat can it pose to NATO? It is important to understand that Russia's hybrid attacks on Europe are not primarily aimed at military conquest but rather at achieving certain political objectives. These include the destruction of EU and NATO cohesion. So, it is entirely possible that Russia, perhaps with threats involving nuclear weapons, could attempt to occupy specific areas in the Baltic region to test the significance of NATO's Article 5 — the solidarity clause. This is why it is all the more important that we remain vigilant about this issue and develop the capacity to defend ourselves in order to deter Russia from any such aggression. We can only protect peace through our own strength; weakness will be seen as an invitation to attack. Germany was one of the countries particularly hesitant and cautious regarding Ukraine's possible accession to NATO. At the 2008 NATO summit in the Romanian capital Bucharest, it was against granting Ukraine a Membership Action Plan (MAP). Many in Ukraine believe that their country's rapid admission into NATO — or at least the granting of an MAP — could have prevented Russia's hybrid war in 2014 and the full-scale invasion in 2022. Was Germany's policy at the time a mistake? It is clear that the hypothesis put forward by the German government at the time has turned out to have been wrong — the assumption that trade, for example in gas via the Nord Stream pipeline, would create mutual dependencies and thus prevent violence from occurring. The same applies to the assumption that neutrality would protect other countries. It was a big mistake for Germany to not listen to the insights of our neighbors to the east, who, because of their own experiences with Moscow, historically have a much better understanding of what Russia actually wants. Apart from accession to NATO, many Ukrainians view membership of the European Union as the best guarantee of security. But German Chancellor Friedrich Merz has ruled out Ukraine's accelerated admission to the bloc. Could Germany be making the same mistake again? NATO membership and EU membership are two very different matters. The EU is a very comprehensive community based on the rule of law. There are 35 negotiating chapters necessary for accession. To rush through the process despite Ukraine not being ready in certain areas would do neither it nor the EU any favors. At the same time — as the chancellor has also made clear — the idea is not to hold Ukraine back. It has to be clear that once certain milestones are met, the process of European integration will move forward. Ukraine is fighting to be a European country. That is why I think it goes without saying that Ukraine, too, can be a full member of the European family with free self-determination. We should do everything in our power to support Ukraine on this path. One issue many in Ukraine are concerned about is corruption and scandals — including those in President Zelenskyy's inner circle. How dangerous are such cases for the international support for Ukraine? Personally, I am very worried about this. It would be even worse if corruption scandals were not exposed. It is good when corruption cases are thoroughly investigated and there are no false compromises when dealing with them. That is why we will be closely following the verdicts and consequences that result. I can only encourage Ukrainian civil society, journalists, the public, members of parliament and the opposition to continue keeping a close eye on the situation and to ensure that Ukrainian and European funds are used properly. Today, there aren't even any serious discussions about peace negotiations with Russia. The Kremlin insists on its maximum demands, which essentially amount to Ukraine's surrender. At the same time, there are forces in Germany, such as the AfD and the Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW), that have called for talks with Russia. Do you currently envisage any possibilities for diplomatic initiatives? There have, of course, been numerous attempts by the Ukrainian president and Western states to start peace talks. At the same time, there are no serious signs that the Kremlin has any desire for peace. Such a desire for peace will only emerge when Putin recognizes the futility of his efforts for military conquest. This requires an increase in military, financial and civil support for Ukraine. And above all, it requires a clear message that the Kremlin cannot hope that Europe will stop supporting Ukraine in 2027 or 2028. We stand with Ukraine — today and tomorrow. This interview with Johannes Volkmann was conducted by Mykola Berdnyk.